We investigate the effect of excellence on firm profitability focusing on markets where vertical integration is necessary to achieve product quality and there is limited business scalability. Using data from Italian wine guides, we show that excellence – as measured by wine quality – and vertical integration – as measured by private instead of cooperative ownership – do lead to higher prices of the bottles sold. However, in a second exercise we study the determinants of Italian wineries’ Return of Invested Capital (ROIC) and obtain mixed results. We show that excellence – as measured by firm and collective reputation – is irrelevant. Vertical integration – as measured by in house production of grapes and wine – ensures a better performance, but the most profitable firms are bottlers, which deliver the worst products. Results suggest that excellence and vertical integration are valuable assets, but also that their importance might heavily depend on the scalability of business.
When studying the emergence of new global markets it is essential to consider how countries and companies compete to obtain advantageous positions. Our objective is to study how France obtained an initial leadership position in the new global wine market which it subsequently consolidated. We will also analyse the main determinants of its exporting success. In order to do this we have quantified its exports and examined its evolution and its principal export markets. We have also used a gravity model for both ordinary wine and high quality wine in order to establish the key variables that explain this evolution. The article highlights the great efforts made by the exporters to improve the quality of their products and increase their sales using modern marketing techniques. Our econometric results also show some significant differences between the determinants of exports for the two types of wine. However, the exports of both products suffered the strong impact of a series of major events, such as The First World War, the Russian Revolution, the Prohibition in the United States and the Great Depression. The case of wine shows that the collapse of the first globalisation was not the same for all types of product.
The world’s first geographical indications (GIs) were in the wine sector and focused on the delineation of the location of production, the ‘terroir’: the Burgundy wines in the fifteenth century, the Port wines and Chianti wines in the eighteenth century, and the Champagne wines in the early twentieth century. We analyze the causes for the introduction of these GIs (‘terroirs’) and for changes in their delineation (expansion) later on. Our analysis shows that trade played a very important role in the creation of the ‘terroirs’ but not always through the same mechanisms. For the Port and Chianti GIs it was exports to Britain that were crucial; for Burgundy it was domestic trade to Paris; and for the Champagne GI it was not exports but pressure from wine imports and new wine regions that played a crucial role. For the expansions of the GIs later in history, other factors seem to have been equally important. Expansions of the GIs in the years and centuries after their introduction followed major changes in political power; the spread of a new philosophy in liberal and free markets across Europe; and infrastructure investments which opened up markets and made exports cheaper from “new” producers.
The aim of this paper is to analyze risk attitudes of winegrowers in France. An inter- esting feature of French viticulture is that most of the production is carried out under an appellation regime, bearing constraints in terms of maximal yield authorized. We estimate a translog cost function under the constraint of this maximal yield. We jointly estimate cost function parameters, factor share equations and winegrowers’ attitudes to the risk function. Our estimates are based on the FADN database (2005-2014), data from the National Cultural Practices survey (2006, 2010, 2013), data from the French National Institute of Origin and Quality (INAO) and data from guides on production costs in viticulture and œnology (from 2005 to 2014). We find that pesticide demand is inelastic and all types of winegrowers are risk-averse. For the majority of them, risk aversion declines with expected profit (DARA), but for the Champagne region, it is the contrary. Expected profit is far higher than in the other regions and these winegrowers are more averse to risk when expected profit increases (IARA).
The objective of this paper is threefold. First, we estimate the causal effect of wine medals on pro- ducers’ prices. Second, we calculate the expected profit obtained by producers from participating in competitions. Third, we investigate the efficiency of wine competitions by measuring to what extent the attributed awards are good quality indicators. Our dataset combines information on transactions be- tween wine producers and wholesale traders (these data are registered by a wine broker who acts as a middleman in this market), with the records from eleven important wine competitions. Our identifica- tion strategy exploits a particularity in our data, namely that medals are not only awarded before the transaction dates but sometimes also thereafter. Under weak restrictions, a regression of price on dum- mies indicating past and future medals (plus controls) allows to uncover two interesting features: i) the difference in the respective dummy estimates identifies the causal effect of a medal, ii) the estimate of the future medal coefficient identifies the correlation between unobserved quality and medal. We find a strong medal impact: our preferred estimate indicates that producers of medaled wines can increase their price by 13%. The impact for gold is much larger than for silver and bronze, but we cannot reject that the correlation with quality is the same across the three colors. Only a minority of contests attribute medals that are significantly correlated with quality (primarily the ones founded a long time ago, and whose judges are required to evaluate relatively few wines per day). Our profit calculations show that the incentives to participate in wine contests are high.
Concentrated or Competitive? An Overview of the Wine Industry in British Columbia, 2011-2015 Katarzyna Pankowska Introduction The fact that Canada domestically grows Vitis vinifera and produces various types of table wines may still come to some as a surprise, yet it is true. The geographic location and common association of Canada with a cold climate,…
Little empirical research has considered the impact of physical changes in the climate on firm behaver nor relied on natural stakeholder-based theory (NSBT) to explore such a relationship. For a sample of 2,348 wine firms operating in Australia, this study captures changes in both temperature and rainfall for the year 2012 relative to the year 1982 (30 years), and finds that these climatic changes are positively associated with organic products. Further, because of their sensitivities to the natural environment and positions of influence, the study predicts that women in leadership will moderate the relationship between climatic changes and organic products. This postulate finds support. The study advances research on climate change and the use of NSBT. Contributions of the findings are discussed along with limitations and future research opportunities.
This study explores a relatively little understood aspect of climate change: to what extent physical changes in the climate impact on firm behavior. To explore the impact of physical changes in climate, changes in both temperature and rainfall are studied with respect to adaptive behavior. For a sample of 207 wine firms operating in South Australia, this study finds that changes in temperature and rainfall are associated with adaptive practices. Further, because of the nature of acquiring and leveraging information and knowledge on climate change to affect adaptation, the study predicts that absorptive capacity will moderate the relationship between climatic changes and adaptive practices. This postulate finds support. The study advances research on climate change and firm behavior. Contributions of the findings are discussed along with limitations and future research opportunities.
The glass of wine that you are having with your dinner, whether in your own home, at a friend’s or a restaurant, is subsidized by the federal taxpayer whenever the growers who produced the grapes that went into the wine protected themselves from a financial loss due to crop failure by purchasing crop insurance. The subsidy has the effect of lowering the price of that glass of wine by reducing the full cost of growing the grapes provided the resulting economic gain is passed along at least in part to the winery and in turn to the vintner, retailer, and finally the consumer.
It follows that crop insurance is a blend of private and social insurance because the cost to the grower of insuring against a crop failure, which is included in the cost of production, no longer is entirely privatized. It is shared with the public through a taxpayer-supported subsidy.
Our objective in the following is to describe the need for crop insurance and its origins, the specific details of the protection for U.S. growers, the private and social costs of producing grapes, and the role of the Agriculture Department. In the following, we do not address table grapes, raisins, damaged vines, or federal area-wide crop insurance. That type of insurance protects the individual producer, not on the basis of his own personal loss, but on the average losses across the area where his vineyard is located. (ProAg nd, np).1 Much more research is needed for a more detailed account of insurance that focuses on wine grapes than is provided herein. To help facilitate that research we provide links to articles and books that examine in greater detail reinsurance, the history of wine grapes, licensing agents and brokers, the history of crop insurance prior to the New Deal, and written agreements between growers and insurers.
Our primary emphasis in the following is not on the grapes or the wine but on the human agents involved: the grower, the insurer, and the taxpayer.
Since the early 1990s, there has been a remarkable export boom of natural resource- based products from Chile, including wine, farmed salmon, forestry and wood products. This phenomenon is surprising, considering the monopolistic role played by advanced countries in these industries (e.g. Italy, France and Spain in the wine industry; Norway, Scotland and Canada in the salmon industry). It also raises questions on whether the conditions under which it is taking place are any different from those that in the past led to the repeated failures of a development model based mostly on the exports of natural resources. From a traditional sector totally oriented to the domestic market and in deep crisis due to political and economic instability, the Chilean wine industry has gained international recognition since the early 1990s. It has become a large export-oriented industry -over 60 percent of the production is currently exported- together with other non-traditional industries such as salmon. Chile has been gradually identified by international consumers as an ideal country for producing modern varietal (fresh and fruity), good-value-for-money wines, and it has won worldwide recognition in the wine community faster than any other country in modern history (Phillips, 2000). This is a striking achievement, considering that until the 1970s Chilean wines were confined to the niche of decent-but-not-great wines, based on few varieties cultivated and the relative homo- geneity of their taste. This paper analyses whether and how, under the globalizing trends that began in the last quarter of the twentieth century, Chile was able to transform some of its primary commodities such as wine into high-quality, diversified, processed goods, with increasing value-added content and export price per unit, thus becoming a platform for development. In particular, as a complement to previous studies, this paper looks specifically at the role of knowledge intensive services in the Chilean wine sector. It is based on the hypothesis is that these services have allowed Chilean wineries to add value to their wine exports and constantly improve their operations along the different stages of the value chain. This paper is structured as follows. Section 2 describes Chile’s remarkable wine export performance and reviews previous studies regarding the main factors that explain this expansion. Section 3 provides a description of the five main segments of the wine value chain and the multiple service inputs within each one of them. The motivations to produce these services in-house or subcontract are discussed in section 4. The results of a survey, carried out in the context of this study, to assess which services are produced in-house or outsourced are discussed in section 5. The last section concludes and provides suggestions for future research.